Tuesday, August 2, 2011
10 Tahun Sebelum Merdeka (1 of 4)
BUT CAN NOT WATCH BELOW VIDEO。。。。。。。。。。。。。。。WHY？？？？？？？？？？？
10 Tahun Sebelum Merdeka (2 of 4)
10 Years Before Independence a documentary film by Fahmi Reza http://10tahun.blo...。。。。。。。。。。。。。。
CAN SOMEONE USE OTHER NAMES TO PUT IT ON YOUTUDE AGAIN ！！！！！！！！！！
Fahmi's documentary: Ten Years Before Merdeka
RABU, OKTOBER 31, 2007
Artikel dari The Penang File, Nov 2007
Lim Kean Chye, salah seorang tokoh yang ditemubual dalam dokumentari 'Sepuluh Tahun Sebelum Merdeka' telah menulis sebuah artikel berkenaan filem tersebut di laman web yang dikendalikannya, The Penang File.
THE OTHER CONSTITUTION
Fahmi's documentary: Ten Years Before Merdeka
by Lim Kean Chye
1947
THE TWISTED HISTORY of Malaya almost invariably portrays Malaya as a country of hostile peoples facing one another with fear and hatred. Its picture of the post-war period after the Japanese surrender is of a divided people governed by a benevolent Britain honestly trying hard to reconcile racial animosities and to create a viable united nation. But the truth is that there were in fact two groups - the pro British and the anti British who wanted freedom, one might conveniently call it right wing against left wing. The left was inspired by the Indonesian battle against the Dutch for independence and the role of the Soviet Union in defeating fascism and the downfall of Churchill and the ascendancy of the British Labour Party. They noticed that even the returning British soldiers were singing Soviet songs.
There was no doubt that the left were in the majority and they were demanding "merdeka." Among them were the MIC. The right were the palace pro-British elements led by Dato Onn in Johore and in Perak by the Dato Panglima Bukit Gantang and clutter of very small clubs and associations whose timid slogan was "Hidup Melayu" that disdained challenging British rule.
The documentary "Ten Years Before Merdeka" by Fahmi Reza has pierced the mist of disinformation to reveal from the National Archives the story of the united front against British colonial rule ten years before August 31, 1957, especially, of the coalition known as the PUTERA-AMCJA. That the narrative was done by some actors still alive to tell the story is a tribute to the grinding work of searching and researching that he and his team must have done.
The film explains the Peoples Constitutional Proposals of 1947, the culmination of the resistance to the naked restoration of the 1940 British colonial rule, and the smashing of the left by mass arrests, led by the detention of 10,000 Malays. The British feared the Malay nationalists above all else for they knew that they could only rely on the support of those around the palaces. While Ho Chi Minh in French Indo-China had maintained his armed forces, the British agent Lai Te, otherwise Wright, ordered the MPAJA to surrender their arms, ensuring the supremacy of his returning masters.
Tan Cheng Lock
The film missed emphasising the immense significance of Tan Cheng Lock, the chairman of the PUTERA-AMCJA. That is largely my fault and I make amends here.
Tan Cheng Lock (later Sir Tan Cheng Lock) was British to the bone. A wealthy man with interests in rubber and banking, he was a Straits Settlements Legislative Councillor from Malacca, at the same time as my father who was appointed from Penang. He was a loyal Straits Born British Chinese. To understand him, we have to look at the loyal Chinese of 1945. They were shocked by the British running away and leaving them to an uncertain, fearful future under the Japanese; they began to look at the British with different eyes. Lim Ewe Hock's "A Straits British Chinese Discovers Himself," published in March 1946, neatly epitomises their anguished awakening. (see The Penang File - Archives - jul-2004 - page1135). It is not surprising that when the Malayan Democratic Union was formed at the end of 1945 it won the immediate support of Raffles College graduates, the so-called cream of the English educated. Lim Tay Boh, Goh Keng Swee, Yong Nyuk Lin, Eu Cheow Chye, Seow Cheng Fong were among the majority who supported us, openly or clandestinely. The minority, who disdained the "disloyal" anti-colonialists, even voted against the setting up of a university when the graduates, meeting as the Stamford Club, debated the Carr-Saunders Commission. That they were only able to muster three votes against exposed the comedy of their size.
The older generation, such as C C Tan in Singapore, rallied around John Laycock, the English solicitor. In Penang, Heah Joo Seang ran to London to plead desperately for Penang to remain a crown colony.
Cheng Lock came back from India, to which country he had fled when the Japanese invaded, a rather changed man. He was very impressed by Nehru and Gandhi and the Indian independence movement. I went to see him in Malacca and after a few talks formed the definite impression that he would support us in our work for self-government. He was very interested in the Malayan Democratic Union which he was convinced was not communist (being well connected, he had his sources of information) and asked a few questions to clear up in his mind that we were not puppets of the communists, the trade unions, and youth and women's movements nor stooges of the Malay groups. The significance of Cheng Lock agreeing to be chairman can never be exaggerated. He dissolved the hesitancy among many border liners and even persuaded the local Chamber of Commerce to come out in support of the general strike - the hartal, something which we had never heard of and learnt from Cheng Lock, who urged us to use a weapon he had seen in action while in India.
Shut down
The film did not lie about the success of the hartal. We effectively shut down the country for one day. A circular, issued by the chief secretary to the government, on September 19,1947 is enough to prove this. It read:
"Whatever a hartal might signify in Malay, the Chief Secretary desires to make it quite clear that if any Government servant absents himself from his duties in the public service with the real or ostensible object to bringing pressure to bear on Government on a political issue, not only will such officer forfeit his pay for the period of his absence, but he will be dealt with under the disciplinary regulations of the service."
They were not sure even of their civil service.
The colonial office with the colonial cataract in the eye took no notice of the Constitutional Proposals and went ahead with their "negotiations" with a rump UMNO and the Sultans. The hartal failed to break their resolve. They retaliated with mass arrests.
Sumber: The Penang File, Issue 56, November 2007
vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv
The colonial office with the colonial cataract in the eye took no notice of the Constitutional Proposals and went ahead with their "negotiations" with a rump UMNO and the Sultans. The hartal failed to break their resolve. They retaliated with mass arrests.
history tells the facts.......................
Artikel dari The Penang File, Nov 2007
Lim Kean Chye, salah seorang tokoh yang ditemubual dalam dokumentari 'Sepuluh Tahun Sebelum Merdeka' telah menulis sebuah artikel berkenaan filem tersebut di laman web yang dikendalikannya, The Penang File.
THE OTHER CONSTITUTION
Fahmi's documentary: Ten Years Before Merdeka
by Lim Kean Chye
1947
THE TWISTED HISTORY of Malaya almost invariably portrays Malaya as a country of hostile peoples facing one another with fear and hatred. Its picture of the post-war period after the Japanese surrender is of a divided people governed by a benevolent Britain honestly trying hard to reconcile racial animosities and to create a viable united nation. But the truth is that there were in fact two groups - the pro British and the anti British who wanted freedom, one might conveniently call it right wing against left wing. The left was inspired by the Indonesian battle against the Dutch for independence and the role of the Soviet Union in defeating fascism and the downfall of Churchill and the ascendancy of the British Labour Party. They noticed that even the returning British soldiers were singing Soviet songs.
There was no doubt that the left were in the majority and they were demanding "merdeka." Among them were the MIC. The right were the palace pro-British elements led by Dato Onn in Johore and in Perak by the Dato Panglima Bukit Gantang and clutter of very small clubs and associations whose timid slogan was "Hidup Melayu" that disdained challenging British rule.
The documentary "Ten Years Before Merdeka" by Fahmi Reza has pierced the mist of disinformation to reveal from the National Archives the story of the united front against British colonial rule ten years before August 31, 1957, especially, of the coalition known as the PUTERA-AMCJA. That the narrative was done by some actors still alive to tell the story is a tribute to the grinding work of searching and researching that he and his team must have done.
The film explains the Peoples Constitutional Proposals of 1947, the culmination of the resistance to the naked restoration of the 1940 British colonial rule, and the smashing of the left by mass arrests, led by the detention of 10,000 Malays. The British feared the Malay nationalists above all else for they knew that they could only rely on the support of those around the palaces. While Ho Chi Minh in French Indo-China had maintained his armed forces, the British agent Lai Te, otherwise Wright, ordered the MPAJA to surrender their arms, ensuring the supremacy of his returning masters.
Tan Cheng Lock
The film missed emphasising the immense significance of Tan Cheng Lock, the chairman of the PUTERA-AMCJA. That is largely my fault and I make amends here.
Tan Cheng Lock (later Sir Tan Cheng Lock) was British to the bone. A wealthy man with interests in rubber and banking, he was a Straits Settlements Legislative Councillor from Malacca, at the same time as my father who was appointed from Penang. He was a loyal Straits Born British Chinese. To understand him, we have to look at the loyal Chinese of 1945. They were shocked by the British running away and leaving them to an uncertain, fearful future under the Japanese; they began to look at the British with different eyes. Lim Ewe Hock's "A Straits British Chinese Discovers Himself," published in March 1946, neatly epitomises their anguished awakening. (see The Penang File - Archives - jul-2004 - page1135). It is not surprising that when the Malayan Democratic Union was formed at the end of 1945 it won the immediate support of Raffles College graduates, the so-called cream of the English educated. Lim Tay Boh, Goh Keng Swee, Yong Nyuk Lin, Eu Cheow Chye, Seow Cheng Fong were among the majority who supported us, openly or clandestinely. The minority, who disdained the "disloyal" anti-colonialists, even voted against the setting up of a university when the graduates, meeting as the Stamford Club, debated the Carr-Saunders Commission. That they were only able to muster three votes against exposed the comedy of their size.
The older generation, such as C C Tan in Singapore, rallied around John Laycock, the English solicitor. In Penang, Heah Joo Seang ran to London to plead desperately for Penang to remain a crown colony.
Cheng Lock came back from India, to which country he had fled when the Japanese invaded, a rather changed man. He was very impressed by Nehru and Gandhi and the Indian independence movement. I went to see him in Malacca and after a few talks formed the definite impression that he would support us in our work for self-government. He was very interested in the Malayan Democratic Union which he was convinced was not communist (being well connected, he had his sources of information) and asked a few questions to clear up in his mind that we were not puppets of the communists, the trade unions, and youth and women's movements nor stooges of the Malay groups. The significance of Cheng Lock agreeing to be chairman can never be exaggerated. He dissolved the hesitancy among many border liners and even persuaded the local Chamber of Commerce to come out in support of the general strike - the hartal, something which we had never heard of and learnt from Cheng Lock, who urged us to use a weapon he had seen in action while in India.
Shut down
The film did not lie about the success of the hartal. We effectively shut down the country for one day. A circular, issued by the chief secretary to the government, on September 19,1947 is enough to prove this. It read:
"Whatever a hartal might signify in Malay, the Chief Secretary desires to make it quite clear that if any Government servant absents himself from his duties in the public service with the real or ostensible object to bringing pressure to bear on Government on a political issue, not only will such officer forfeit his pay for the period of his absence, but he will be dealt with under the disciplinary regulations of the service."
They were not sure even of their civil service.
The colonial office with the colonial cataract in the eye took no notice of the Constitutional Proposals and went ahead with their "negotiations" with a rump UMNO and the Sultans. The hartal failed to break their resolve. They retaliated with mass arrests.
Sumber: The Penang File, Issue 56, November 2007
vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv
The colonial office with the colonial cataract in the eye took no notice of the Constitutional Proposals and went ahead with their "negotiations" with a rump UMNO and the Sultans. The hartal failed to break their resolve. They retaliated with mass arrests.
history tells the facts.......................
Monday, August 1, 2011
France will unlock Scorpene truth
Tuesday, August 2, 2011
Kua: France will unlock Scorpene truth
Lack of faith in Malaysia's judicial system drove Suaram to seek out French lawyer, William Bourdon.
When Kua Kia Soong says he has been concerned about arms spending in Malaysia for “a long time” he means for about four decades.
The years spent in keen observation of the government’s defence spending culminated in 1994 when he blew the whistle on the “Arms-for-Aid scandal.
The fiasco revolved around the funding of the Pergau hydroelectric dam which was linked to RM5 billion in arms sales to British overseas aid in the form of Aid and Trade Provision (ATP) funding.
Kua, who was Petaling Jaya MP for DAP at the time, was disgusted that while the British media pounced on the scandal, its Malaysian counterparts chose to turn a blind eye.
He has since then traded his parlimentarian seat for that of Suaram director but the swap has done nothing to abate his vigilance of the government’s arms spending.
It has instead propelled him into the heart of the country’s most high profile arms deal – the purchase of two Scorpene submarines from France.
The deal is mired in controversy with allegations of kickbacks and linked to the murder of Mongolian national, Altantuya Shaariibuu.
“The Scorpene French provider, DCNS, is well-known to have given commissions in the Karachi case and also in its sale of frigates to Taiwan,” Kua, 60, explained to FMT.
(The Karachi car bomb in May 2002 was reported to be related to a case of retro-commissions and kickbacks involving the Pakistani state and French politicians for an arms deal.)
Suaram’s suspicions arose as it studied the scandals involving DCNS and it began enquiring about the possibility of pursuing the commissions involved in the Scorpene deal.
“We discovered that (French human rights lawyer) William Bourdon was pursuing the cases in the French judicial system so we got in touch with him,” Kua said. “Bourdon responded positively as he had been shadowing the Karachi and Taiwan cases which were linked to DCNS”.
Suaram applied through its French lawyers as a civil party for a judicial review in the French court in November 2009 to investigate the submarine deal. In April 2010, the French courts accepted the request to investigate Suaram’s claim of corruption. The French investigative judge who will hear the case will be picked next month.
Bourdon however was given the boot back to Paris by the Malaysian government during his visit here last month after he spoke at a Scorpene fundraising dinner in Penang. His deportation was decried by various quarters as an attempt by the government to muzzle the truth.
Here are excerpts from the interview with Kua:
Did Suaram consider hiring a local lawyer for the Scorpene case?
Hiring a local lawyer to do what? The Malaysian judicial system has failed as far as getting to the real culprits who are responsible for Altantuya’s murder.
Did the Malaysian court try to delve into the possibility of commissions in the submarine deal? No.
This recourse to the French courts is possible through the inquisitorial system in France. It is different from the British/Malaysian system in that the judge there has investigative powers.
It is possible to pursue this in France because the submarine purveyor is their French state company DCNS and what is at issue has consequences for both French and Malaysian tax payers.
What are your main concerns regarding the Scorpene deal?
The Scorpene submarines are the biggest single arms purchase to date costing more than RM7 billion. Firstly do we need submarines in our defence policy? If we do, we really require at least 10 submarines to be able to properly cover Malaysian waters!
Secondly this mammoth arms deal is merely an opportunity for huge commissions to be paid to government officials. These are normally very difficult to prove but at last, the French judicial provides us with a rare opportunity to get at the truth surrounding the commissions.
How hopeful are you that the French courts will be able to uncover this truth?
The French judicial system is more independent and with the investigative judge being able to order DCNS officials to court and for search and subpoena powers to probe documents in the DCNS offices, I believe we should be able to produce evidence to show that commissions were given out.
In fact we know that during the investigations into the older Karachi case, DCNS officials have revealed their knowledge of commissions being paid out in all their arms dealings.
Do you think that the investigations would also shed light onto Altantuya’s murder?
If per chance, there are journals made by DCNS officials in the loop, we might well come up with such information surrounding Altantuya’s murder.
If the French court rules a misappropriation of public funds on Malaysia’s side of the purchase,
what would be Suaram’s next course of action ?
We will call for the prime minister (Najib Tun Razak) to resign and for a judicial review of the Altantuya murder case. If the government stalls on this, then it is time for a mass protest bigger than any the country has ever seen. I think this is the strength of the people’s feelings about this case.
Will Bourdon be returning to Malaysia anytime soon?
After the rude and uncivil treatment he got at KLIA, I doubt he will be in a hurry to return to Malaysia under the BN government. He only came to brief Suaram and Malaysians about the case in France and to give us assurance that he would do his utmost to get to the truth.
The Defence Minister (Ahmad Zahidi) merely exposed his ignorance of the case when he implied that Bourdon was here to “defend the case in Malaysia”.
By detaining and deporting a world-renowned lawyer, the BN government has undone everything the Tourism Ministry has been trying to do to portray the country as a civilised country that respects human rights, international law and Asian values.
[Source: FMT]
Posted by Geronimo at 11:47 AM
Kua: France will unlock Scorpene truth
Lack of faith in Malaysia's judicial system drove Suaram to seek out French lawyer, William Bourdon.
When Kua Kia Soong says he has been concerned about arms spending in Malaysia for “a long time” he means for about four decades.
The years spent in keen observation of the government’s defence spending culminated in 1994 when he blew the whistle on the “Arms-for-Aid scandal.
The fiasco revolved around the funding of the Pergau hydroelectric dam which was linked to RM5 billion in arms sales to British overseas aid in the form of Aid and Trade Provision (ATP) funding.
Kua, who was Petaling Jaya MP for DAP at the time, was disgusted that while the British media pounced on the scandal, its Malaysian counterparts chose to turn a blind eye.
He has since then traded his parlimentarian seat for that of Suaram director but the swap has done nothing to abate his vigilance of the government’s arms spending.
It has instead propelled him into the heart of the country’s most high profile arms deal – the purchase of two Scorpene submarines from France.
The deal is mired in controversy with allegations of kickbacks and linked to the murder of Mongolian national, Altantuya Shaariibuu.
“The Scorpene French provider, DCNS, is well-known to have given commissions in the Karachi case and also in its sale of frigates to Taiwan,” Kua, 60, explained to FMT.
(The Karachi car bomb in May 2002 was reported to be related to a case of retro-commissions and kickbacks involving the Pakistani state and French politicians for an arms deal.)
Suaram’s suspicions arose as it studied the scandals involving DCNS and it began enquiring about the possibility of pursuing the commissions involved in the Scorpene deal.
“We discovered that (French human rights lawyer) William Bourdon was pursuing the cases in the French judicial system so we got in touch with him,” Kua said. “Bourdon responded positively as he had been shadowing the Karachi and Taiwan cases which were linked to DCNS”.
Suaram applied through its French lawyers as a civil party for a judicial review in the French court in November 2009 to investigate the submarine deal. In April 2010, the French courts accepted the request to investigate Suaram’s claim of corruption. The French investigative judge who will hear the case will be picked next month.
Bourdon however was given the boot back to Paris by the Malaysian government during his visit here last month after he spoke at a Scorpene fundraising dinner in Penang. His deportation was decried by various quarters as an attempt by the government to muzzle the truth.
Here are excerpts from the interview with Kua:
Did Suaram consider hiring a local lawyer for the Scorpene case?
Hiring a local lawyer to do what? The Malaysian judicial system has failed as far as getting to the real culprits who are responsible for Altantuya’s murder.
Did the Malaysian court try to delve into the possibility of commissions in the submarine deal? No.
This recourse to the French courts is possible through the inquisitorial system in France. It is different from the British/Malaysian system in that the judge there has investigative powers.
It is possible to pursue this in France because the submarine purveyor is their French state company DCNS and what is at issue has consequences for both French and Malaysian tax payers.
What are your main concerns regarding the Scorpene deal?
The Scorpene submarines are the biggest single arms purchase to date costing more than RM7 billion. Firstly do we need submarines in our defence policy? If we do, we really require at least 10 submarines to be able to properly cover Malaysian waters!
Secondly this mammoth arms deal is merely an opportunity for huge commissions to be paid to government officials. These are normally very difficult to prove but at last, the French judicial provides us with a rare opportunity to get at the truth surrounding the commissions.
How hopeful are you that the French courts will be able to uncover this truth?
The French judicial system is more independent and with the investigative judge being able to order DCNS officials to court and for search and subpoena powers to probe documents in the DCNS offices, I believe we should be able to produce evidence to show that commissions were given out.
In fact we know that during the investigations into the older Karachi case, DCNS officials have revealed their knowledge of commissions being paid out in all their arms dealings.
Do you think that the investigations would also shed light onto Altantuya’s murder?
If per chance, there are journals made by DCNS officials in the loop, we might well come up with such information surrounding Altantuya’s murder.
If the French court rules a misappropriation of public funds on Malaysia’s side of the purchase,
what would be Suaram’s next course of action ?
We will call for the prime minister (Najib Tun Razak) to resign and for a judicial review of the Altantuya murder case. If the government stalls on this, then it is time for a mass protest bigger than any the country has ever seen. I think this is the strength of the people’s feelings about this case.
Will Bourdon be returning to Malaysia anytime soon?
After the rude and uncivil treatment he got at KLIA, I doubt he will be in a hurry to return to Malaysia under the BN government. He only came to brief Suaram and Malaysians about the case in France and to give us assurance that he would do his utmost to get to the truth.
The Defence Minister (Ahmad Zahidi) merely exposed his ignorance of the case when he implied that Bourdon was here to “defend the case in Malaysia”.
By detaining and deporting a world-renowned lawyer, the BN government has undone everything the Tourism Ministry has been trying to do to portray the country as a civilised country that respects human rights, international law and Asian values.
[Source: FMT]
Posted by Geronimo at 11:47 AM
Subscribe to:
Comments (Atom)